
.5 
.BIS 



SPEECH 



OF 



V^ 



HON. T. F. BOWIE, OF MARYLAND, 



ON THE 



OEGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE. 



DELIVERED 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 9. 1856. 



/ 



WASHINGTON : 

PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE 
■ .^ 1856. 



SPEECH 



Mr. BOWIE said: I move, Mr. Clerk, to re- 
tciud the ten-minute rule. 

I do not rise, sir, to make a speech simply for 



You say, sir, it is harmless, because bloodless; 
but let us not deceive ourselves in that respect. 
We present, at this time, a spectacle to the world 



the purpose of makin-'- a speech, but I waiit to I which demoralizes the nation, and proves us to 
•■ ' ■ - .. • TT .1.1 . — be incapable of organizing the Government, bir, 



call the attention of tliis House and the country 
to the condition in which we now are. I am 
quite sure, if I could hold up a picture of it to the 
people of the country, they v>rould revolt at the 
Bpectacle. It is a spectacle, sir, at which every 
good man ought to revolt. Sir, we are playing a 
comedy when we ought to be playing a tragedy. 
I have'heard it said that the House of Repre- 
sentatives was like a bear garden. It may have 
been so, sir, in times past, when men were pitted 
agaii:kst eacli other to fight; but 1 rather thmk it 
is now more like a garden o( foxes. Cunning and 
artful men (and I fear, sir, some traitorous men 



the wheels of Governmenl will be stopped unless 
we can organize the legislative department of the 
Government. No man can doubt that. In my 
judgment, the legislative is the most important 
department of the Government. It is the law- 
making power; the power which more immedi- 
ately and directly atTects the people of the couiitry. 
In the name of that people, then, I have a right 
to ask, is there no way of stopping this miserable 
farce? Is there no spirit upon this floor who can 
devise some mode of conciliation by which we 
ican end this strugggle.' I invoke, sir, that spirit 



too) have been sent here to represent the people ito rise up in our midst. If I cannot idolize, I 
of the United States; men who pride themselves j will at least follow his lead, for he will have 
more upon their qualifications for intrigue tiian ! beckoned me on to the preservation of the Consti- 
upon a patriotic devotion to the principles of the tution of my country. Sir, in my humble judg- 
ment, we must change our course altogether: 
v/e shall never succeed in organizing this House 
in the way we are now pursuing. We must 
give up party and party tactics, and resort to the 
instincts of patriotism. As long as men or parties 
are placed in antagonistical positions by the ma- 
chinery of party organizations, we can never 
expect them to s'urreiider either their principlca 



ipon a patriotic devotion to the principle 
Constitution; men, sir, who understand, and for 
that reason are constantly raising, questions of 
order, to the great delay of the public business i 
and the annoyance of the really orderly members \ 
of this House. Sir, every true patriot will at j 
once respond to the great impulses of the public | 
heart. j 

Mr. Clerk, I am neither a lion nor a fox; but if j . . ,, 

I were to choose between tlie two, I should not, I or their standard-bearers. This is an all-con- 
like Cardinal Richelieu, " duff the lion's, and take I trolling emotion of the human lieart, and you 
the fox's skin." Sir, the lion is indeed a noble, ; ican no more change or modify its results than 
because a !;ourageous animal, and in the day of lyou can roll back the tide of the ocean, 
battle will be found strong for the fight; but the ; j [Here the hammer fell, but by unanimous con- 
cunning of the fox will subvert the judgment, j sent,] 

and blunt every patriotic impulse of "the heart. 1 Mr. B. resumed. You may as well suppose 
Sir,wedidnotcomeheretobeartfulandcunning,'j that men will shrink in the day of battle, as to 
or to exhibit simply our skill in parliamentary ,]supi)03e that these standard-bearers of their 
tactics, but to be true to the country, to the Con- 1 1 respective parties will not be voted for, unless 

withdrawn from the canvass by the united action 
of their respective parties. Sir, he who thinks to 
the contrary, understands, in my judgment, but 
little of the pride and obstinacy of human opin- 
ions, and would not be a safe cr.unsclor in times 
of struggle between the conflicting elements of 



stitution, and ourselves. I am anxious to cftect an ; 

organization of this House, if it be possible; if 

not possible, then I think the sooner we adjourn 

riue die the better. We are indeed in the midst of 

a revolution, not, to be sure, a bloody revolution, 

Ijut how soon it may become one God only knows. 

Sir, I shall be the last man to draw the sword; jj human passions 



but I want the people of the country to under- 
stand, v.'hat we do not seem to understand our-i 
selves — that we are, in fact, in the midst of a rev- 
olution. I do not say rebellion, because I do not I 
believe that any portion of the people of this, 
country will rebel against the Constitution and 
the laws, when rightly interpreted and enforced. 
[" Good !"] But still, I say, v.-e are in the midst 
of a revolution. Doesnotevery man on this floor 
feel it to be so.' Do we not all know it to be so .' 



Sir, let us have some plan of organization on 
which, as a common platform, a majority of this 
House can stand. My friend from" South Caro- 
lina [Mr. Botce] gave utterance the other day to 
a glorious sentiment in regard to the obligations 
of party. Party is all right. Party will save a 
country sometimes, but sometimes it will destroy 
it. Party will sometimes degenerate into fiiction. 
It may even sometimes go so low down as to de- 
generate into a state of hostihty to the interests 



4 



of the countr)^ growing out of the basest pas- 
sions of the human heart, arrayed against all 
that is good and noble and glorious in the history 
of the country. Party, sir, may even do that. 

Bu t is there no patriotic heart here ? Do we not 
love our country ? And are ' we prepared to say 
to the people of the country that we will not now 
perpetuate' the glorious Union of these States? 
Will you say that the legislative branch of your 
Government shall be struck down by the spirit 
of party? For one, I tremble when I contem- 
plate the danger to which we are fast hastening 
the people by the mere impulses of part}' . For 
one, sir, so help me God, I would place my head, 
and my heart too, as a sacrifice on the altar of my 
country before these States shall be dismembered, 
unless it be lay a usurpation of power on the part 
of the Federal Government to strike down the sov- 
ereignty of the States. 

Sir, I have heard before to-day that we were in j 
a state of revolution on this fioor. And the hour j 
may come when we may have to meet its conse- 
quences here. I shall not falter in that hour, but 
come when it may, I shall take my part, and act 
my part, in the drama of the day. I pray to 
God that he may avert so awful a catastrophe ! 
I pray to God to unite our hearts in the bonds of 
fraternal love; and if that prayer be granted I 
can safely proclaim to the world that the Consti- 
tution of my country is preserved. Our breth- 
ren at the North say that they do not mean to in- 
terfere with slavery in the States. This is all 
very well. The Constitution vests in Congress 
no such power, and no such power has ever been 
claimed in any quarter whatever. This, then, is 
no concession to the South. We ask for no con- 
cession: we only ask that you will not claim 
' the power to regulate or control slavery in the 
Territories of this Union. No such power is 
givenbythe Constitution to Congress. The power 
"to dispose of and make all needful rules and 
regulations respecting the territory or other prop- 
erty belonging the United States " (article fourth, 
section third, of the Constitution) is invoked in 
vain for any sucii purpose. The power to " dis- 
pose of" means simply the right of alienation. 
The power to " make needful rules raid regula- 
tions respecting the territory or other property be- 
longing tothe United States" mc&ns simply the right 
to make such needful rules and regulations for 
the Territories, as property of the Union, which 
requires irrotecHon, and not destruction, by the very 
terms of the limitation itself. Government, sir, 
may, and ought to, protect property, but never to 
destroy it, without the most imperious necessity 
for its own defense, and then only on compensa- 
tion to the owner. If it does resort to its sover- 
eign power in this respect, it ceases only to be 
a tyranny, when it shows an actual necessity for 
the exercise of its power, in behalf of the body- 
politic. It is true, Government, .sir, may confis- 
cate private property in the way of taxation, but 
then it is done only in its own support, and for 
its own uses. That Government is an execrable 
despotism which raises more taxes from the peo- 
ple than tliey require for their own uses. 

But, gentlemen, >do you not know that the 
Constitution of the United States has given you 
no power over the question of slavery, except to 
protect it, to guard it, and to save it? I hav£ 
heard here, on this floor, and the idea seems to 



have gone abroad among our northern friends 
generally, that Freedom is national and Slavery 
sectional. Who says this? Is it to be found in 
your Declaration of Independence, or in your 
Constitution? You, sir, may say yes; butl tell 
you that, at the very same hour when Thomas 
Jeft'erson wrote the Declaration of Independence, 
every State in this Union, except Massachusetts, 
had African slavery within it^ limits as a dis- 
tinctive form of human labor; therefore he could 
not have meant that the institution of African 
slavery was incompatible with the liberty of the 
citizen. It is utterly impossible he could have 
meant that "life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
piness" were among " the inalienable rights" to 
which negi'o slavery was entitled. The States 
of this Union, sir, had among them, at that very 
time, African slavery as a fixed political and 
domestic institution. And to suppose that Mr. 
Jefferson, when he penned that immortal paper, 
meant to strike down domestic African slavery, 
is to contradict facts cotemporaneous with the 
Constitution itself. He nevercould have intended 
that instrument to apply to any other than citizens 
of the country. Now, 1 agree that all men, t^ho 
are citizens of a country, are entitled to equal rights 
and equal privileges. But they must be citizens 
\Jirst. Sir, I say ^hat Government has a right to 
[impose terms of citizenship; but I say, when 
I citizenship has been once conferred, it is wrong 
to draw distinctions between different classes of 
[ citizens. AboUtionists and Free-Soilers may say 
i that the Declaration of Independence means ex- 
I actly what its language imports, and that all men 
[are born free and equal, and are endowed Math 
i inalienable rights, among others those of "life, 
'' liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and that 
! this embraces the negro as well as the white race. 
Sir, I appeal to the fact; I appeal to the cotem- 
poraneous history of the country; I appeal to the 
opinions of the framers of the Constitution them- 
selves, to show that no such idea was entertained 
by them. No, sir, he and they meant, and meant 
'only, to declar-e that, where men are organized 
into a State government, each citizen is entitled 
to the same political rights and privileges. This 
is the doctrine of all republican governments; and 
the Declaration of Independence means to main- 
tain no other. It is wholly untrue, even as an 
I abstraction, that aM men, in a state of nature, are 
born free and equal. Infancy itself, sir, is in 
truth a state of slavery, since both the physical 
and mei^tal power to act independently, is wholly 
j wanting in that condition of human life. No 
! two men can be found, anywhere, who are ex- 
1 actly equal in all respects; and indeed the same 
may be said of everything existing in the whole 
universe of God. Change, dissimilarity, and 
I inequality, are stamped by the hand of Provi- 
.dence upon every object in nature; and I tell 
those gentlemen who profess to be so horrified 
1 at the institution of human slavery, that they ap- 
'• peal in vain to the lessons or teachings of nature, 
or to F.ny fact in the past history of the world, 
j to justify their conclusions. The history of the 
world, from its beginning to the present hour, 
is but a history of human slavery in some one 
or other of its forms; and to no truer record can 
' we resort, for the evidence of this truth, than to 
lithe Old as well as the New Testament of our 
ll religious faith. 



Mr. MEACIIxVM. I rise to a question of or- j 
der. We have a rule here \vhic.h requires that i 
no man shall speak for more than ten minutes, | 
vet the gentleman from Maryland has spoken ; 
Iready four times that length of time. I demand i 
that the rules may he enforced. 

Mr. BO'\VIE. ' Sir, the rule has been extended ! 

by the unanimous vote of the House, and I hope j 

I may be allowed to proceed -ivithout interruption. ', 

Mr. EUSTIS. I move that the gentleman from , 

Maryland have leave to proceed. 

A Member. The House has already granted j 
that leave. ! 

Mr. MEACHAM. I insist that the rule of 
the House be enforced. 

Mr. BOWIE. If tlic gentleman has a question 
to rfisk, I will yield thefloor to him; but I vnll ', 
not be interrupted by any man. I will answer i 
as many questions as gentlemen may please to , 
ask. ! 

Mr. MEACHAM. I demand th.it the ques- i 
tion of order I have raised shall be decided. j 

The CLERK. The gentleman from Maryland ! 
is proceeding bv un.'^imous consent. 

Mr. SPINNER. ^No, sir; I object. ■, 

The CLERK. The gentleman from Maryland ; 
spoke for ten minutes, and was arrested in his , 
r.;marks by the Clerk. The House then allowed 
him to proc^'i'd without objection. ! 

Mr. WASH;BURN, of Maine. The gentleman ; 
from Maryland had the consent of the House to 
proceed for another ten miiujtes, l)ui no longer. 

The CLERK. The Clerk thinks Uiat he was \ 
allowed to proceed without restriction. \ 

Mr. BOWIE. Sir, I want the people of the . 
country to know who it is that are continually 
raising questions of order, to the great delay of 
ihe legitimate business of this House. It is by I 
no means pleasant or interesting to discuss ques- j 
tions of order. Tiicy are often more easily made 
than determined, [laughter;] and I hope I may be 
allowed to proceed. 

Mr. NORTON. Mr. Clerk, the rule requires 
that, when a gentleman is called to order, he shall 
take his seat" and keep it until the question is 
decided. I ask that the lotle shall be enforced. 

The CLERK. Tlie Clerk thinks the gentle- 
man from Maryland had the unanimous consent 
of the House to proceed in his remarks. The 
Clerk does not think he has any power to calf 
him to order. 

Mr. BOWIE. If any gentleman has any 
question to put, I will answer anything that may 
be asked very cheerfully. 

Mr. MEACHAM. Mr. Clerk, what is the 
question before the House.' 

The CLERK. , It is upon a motion to rescind 
the ten-minute rule. 

Mr. PAINE. I protest against these inter- 
ruptions. The gentleman from Marj^^and had 
the unanimous consent of tlie House to submit 
such remarks as he might tliink proper, and I 
hope he will be allowed to proceed. 

The CLERK. The gentleman fro»n Vermont 
[Mr. Meacham] has certainly the right to raise 
a question of order, but the Clerk do. s not think 
the gentleman from Maryland is out of order. 

Mr. BOWIE. I hope, ^ir, no man in this 
House will think, now, he has the right to call 
me to order. If he does, I am sure he will be 
put down by the unanimous voice of the House. 



[Great laughter.] I am proceeding, sir. accord- 
ing to parliamentary law. It was made, I be- 
heve, by mejj who understood the rules of pro- 
ceeding to be followed in deliberative bodies, like 
this. [Laughter.] But, sir, I can only say to 
those gentlemen who will undertake hereafter to 
raise points of order upon me, that they will be 
casting— I will not say pearls before swine, but 
v.^asting the sweet accents of their voices on the 
desert air. [Roars of laughter.] 

Now, Mr. Clerk, I have not time to go into a 
discussion upon the state of parties in the House. 
I will never vote for a sectional organization, and 
I say to gentlemen who are endeavoring to effect 
such an organization, that they are taking false 
grounds. I think the friends 'of the gentlenian 
from Massachusetts [Mr. Bakks] are standing 
upon these grounds. They say they are not 
AbolitionistsV because, forsooth, they are not for 
interfering with slavery in the States. Wh^ , sir, 
did you ever see or tear of a fanatic who was 
fanatical enough to go to that extent? They are 
called Abolitionists, and justly so, because they 
advocate the power of Congrcs's to abolish slavery 
in the Territories of the Uiiion and in the District 
of Columbia, and because they oppose African 
slavery in every form and condition in which it 
may exist. They sometimes have assumed to 
themselves the name of Free-Soilers; but more 
recently, within the last tv.-elve months, they 
have aspired to usurp the more national name of 
Republican. Sir, I wish this House and the 
' country to understand that all these names repre- 
sent one and the same idea, and but me idea at 
that, and that is, opposition to the institution of 
slavery at the South. The names of Free-Soiler 
and Republican ture but other names for political 
abolitionism; and more dangerous names, too, for 
the South, because more insidious in their tenden- 
cies, and therefore more likely to gain proselytes 
to their unholy warfare upon the constitutional 
rights of these'Statcs. But by what authority do 
ihey call themselves Republican .' In the eai-lier 
days of the Republic there were, I believe, two 
pai-ties who called themselves Republican — one 
the Federal Republican, and the other the Demo- 
cratic Repiiblican. To which of these two Re- 
publican parties, I ask, do these Frec-Soilers and 
Abolitionists belong.' I rather think the ghost of 
the elder Adams, were it to rise up in our midst, 
would exclaim to them, " My faithful children ! 
, after being so long dead, have you come to life 
again ? Let me embrace you as faithful followers 
of the creed!!" This, su-, v.-ould, in my judg- 
ment, be the voice of that old leader of the quon- 
dam Federal party, whose doctrines in reference 
to the powers of the General Government, and 
their relations to the States, have long since been 
buried beneath the overwhelming power of Jef- 
fersonian Democracy, but now sought to be 
revived by these modern Republicans. 

Sir, tliese gentlemen complain that they are 
called Black Republicans; and they very emphat- 
ically demand to know who calls them Black 
Republicans.' I will not say that 1 have done so. 
If I should give them a sciriquel at all, I would 
call them White-Black Republicans. [Laughter.] 
But I can tell them 10/11/ they are so called. They 
arc called so, because they advocate the power of 
Congress to abolish African slavery in the Terri- 
tories, and to prevent its introduction therein; 



6 



and African slavery, I believe, sir, is black sla- 
very. [Laughter.] They claim to be the pecu- 
liar guardian.s of the colored race in the United 
States; and, by ^vay of identifying their peculiar 
principles, and giving distinctive point to them, 
they are called Black Republicans; and I think 



tional in some respects: slavery is national so far 
as it is recognized, protected, and guarded by the 
Constitution, and only sectional so far as that 
Congress has no power to ordain, or to establish 
it, and so far only, as that it does not exist in all 
the States alike. But the same may be said of 



the name quite significant enough of their prin- jj freedom, for it is excluded in those places, and 
ciples. I am quite sure my friend here , who now ; j among that class of our population who are slates, 
sits on my right, [Mr. De Witt,] will not be !| by the permission of the Constitution itself. 



offended if I call him a Black Republican in th 
sense just explained. I know my friend rejoices 
and glories in belonging to that " great Republi- 
can army," now so gallantly commanded by 
Major-General Seward, whose flag bears aloft 
that noble and magnanimous motto, "Freedom 
to all Niggers." "[Great laughter.] A .similar 



Sir, the phrase which is so fashionable in the 
mouths of the Abolitionists, Free-Soilers, and 
Black Republicans, on this floor, that " slavery 
is sectional, and freedom is national," is so trite 
and threadbare that it has lost its charms. It is 
but a clap-trap saying, intended only as the watch- 
word of a party, and will soon pass away among 



great republican army once invaded Ireland for • , the forgotten and exploded follies of the past 
a like purpose, but, finding no " niggers" there, Ij With regard to that class of powers in Con- 
they put to death every "Roman Catholic they I j gross over the subject of slavery which are im- 
could find. [Laughter.] I hope my Roman Cath- i [ plied powers, and which are only invoked for the 
olic constituents will not share "the same fate, jj purposes of its destruction, I have hardly time 



when my friend's army shall visit my part of the 
country. 

And now, sir, I wish to say a word or two on 
the general power of Congress over the subject 
of slavery. 

I know I have not time just now to discuss 



to say much. On some future and more appro- 
priate occasion I propose to give my views to 
this House and to the country more at large than 
I can do now; but to those gentlemen who 
claim the power in Congress to abolish slavery 
in the District of Columbia, founded upon the 



this question thoroughly; neither the temper of i grant of exchtsive jurisdiction oyot the ten miles 



the House nor the occasion will jiermit me; but, 
sir, I ask gentlemen, what they mean when they 
speak of the power of Congress over slavery.' 
Do they refer to the power expressly confided by 
the Constitution to Congress of abolishing the 
foreign slave trade, after the year 1808? or of 
passing laws to require of the several States a 
restoration of fugitives from service .' or of so 
apportioning the representation of the States, as 
to secure to the slave States a representation for 
three fifths of their slaves, as persons ? or do they 
mean to refer to some supposed power to abolish 
slavery, either in the States or Territories .' or to 
change, alter, or modify its condition or relations 
in any part of the domains of this great confed- 
eration of States? The first class of powers, it 
will be perceived, sir, are clearly apd unequivo- 
cally delegated powers. The second class, if they 
exist at all, exist only by implication. They cer 



square ceded by the States of Maryland and 
Virginia as the seat of the national Government, 
I can only say, that exchisive jurisdiction by no 
means implies or carries with it alisolute and tin- 
limited poicers. A Government may have exclu- 
sive jurisdiction to legislate for the protection of 
its citizens and the maintenance of j]iolr rights of 
person and property, and j^et be totally without 
power to confiscate their property, or to abolish 
the tenures of their estates. Exclusive jurisdic- 
tion, sir, does not mean irresponsible or arbitrary 
power. The abolition of slavery in the District 
of Columbia must be a necessary incident to the 
exercise of the exclusive jurisdiction, and with- 
out which the power of exclusive jurisdiction, 
would be inoperative and useless, or else it does 
not pass with the grant of exclusive jurisdiction. 
Sir, I hold this to be clear, and beyond the power 
of refutation. The same argument applies, as 



mg to every approved mode of interpretation 
they cannot exist by implication, unless their 
existence is absolutely necessary to carry into 
effect and operation some expressly granted 
power, which, but lor the implication, would be 
dead and inoperative. With regard to the first 
class of powers, no one has ever doubled. They 



tainlydo not exist by express grant; and, accord- 1 1 have already remarked, to that provision of the 

" ■ ■ ■ ' ' Constitution which gives to Congress the powec 

" to dispose of and make all needful rules and 
regulations respecting the territory or other prop- 
erly, belonging to the United State's." The abo- 
lition or restriction of slavery in " such terri- 
tory or other property" must be shown to be a 
needful rule or regulation for the government and 
are expressed, and not implied. They are a part ',! control of such territory, o? properbj of the United 
and parcel of the compromises and compacts of !| Ulules, or else the power to abolish or restrict 
the Constitution. The bond is so icri^cii, oiuJii ji slavery therein does not, and cannot, exist by 
must be so read. So far, then, as these powers j j reason of any suc/i grrani of power, 
and obligations arc concerned, slavery is a na-j And, sir, it must be observed, that even this 
tional and not a Sectional subject — a subject over || grant of power " to make all needful rules and 
which Congress, and Congress alone, has juris- 1 regulations," &c., is expressly coupled with a 
diction. Congress alone, could have abolished \\ condiilon that it shall not be " so construed as to 
the foreign slave trade; Congress alone, can pass i ;)re/it(/ic5 any claims of the United States or of 



any particular State." It is diificult to compre- 
] bend to what these claims of the United States, or 
' of any particular State, relate, unless it be to the 

territory orother property belonging to the Uiiited 



laws relative to the recapture of fugitives from 

labor; and Congress alone, can apportion the 

representation among the States, so as to secure 

the slave representation of three fifths, to the slave 

States. With what truth, thi-n, can it be said that | States as property; and that, too, as the common 

slavery is sectional and freedom is uannn:i\}\\ property nf the United Utaies, a7id each of the Slates. 

They are, in truth, both national and both sec- ;! If this be so— and I scarcely think it can admit of 



a doubt — it follows clearly, that the rules and rp;2;- I 
ulations which Coii2;ress arc empowered to make 
respecting the territory or other property be- 
longing to the United States, relate exclusively 
themselves, to such rules and regulations only as 
may be needful for Congress to make in reference 
to the disposition, preservation, and management 
of such territory as the common property of all 
the States; and not to a class of powers entirely 
political in their nature, which have for their end 
only the establishment of forms of gt)vernment 
for the protection and enjoyment of civil and re- 
ligious freedom. This latter class of powers, sir, 
it seems to me, will more appropriately be found 
among those which were reserved by the pnople, 
irnd which the framors of the Constitution never 
intended should be surrendered to the Federal 
Government by any portion of the people of this 
country, whether living in the States or after-ac- 
quired territories. The great struggle between 
the British Crown, under the administration of 
Lord North, and the United Colonies, as to the 
right of the colonies to govern themselves in all 
cases whatever, had been finally closed by the 
establishment of that great fundamental political 
truth, that man is capable of self-government; 
and had the framcrs of our Constitution inserted 
in that instrument any provisions inconsistent 
with that great truth, to be afterwards applied or 
enforced against the people of a«y of the States 
or after-acquired Territories of the Union, they 
would, in my judgment, sir, have falsified every 
principle which induced the colonies to take up 
arms in defense of their own rights to separate 
and independent sovereignty. But, sir, I have 
not time to pursue these reflections further, in 
the present condition of this House. I v/ill take 
an opportunity of doing so at some other time. 

A Member. My friend from Maryland has 
indicated a willingness to answer any question 
that may be put to him. I ask him, how it is 
that he, who fought under the Whig banner, is 
now acting in the Democratic ranks ? 

Mr. BOWIE. I feel no difficulty about that— 
none whatever. I am found here, sir, acting 
with the Democratic party because the Demo- 
cratic party, in my congressional district, acted 
with th-e conservative portion of the Whigs in 
maintaining the great constitutional rights of 
civil and religious freedom. 1 was not sent 
here, sir, as a nominee of the Whig party. Un- 
fortunately for that great and glorious party, 
as it existed in the pure days of its conservative 
nationality, there was but one county in my 
district where its flag had not been struck down 
by a secret foe, Jirutg- from behind a masked bat- 
tery. [Laughter.] Yes, sir, a secret political 
club, calling themselves Know Nothings, had, 
very recently after the defeat of General Scott, 
organized themselves in every part of my con- 
gressional district. In the onset, they refused to 
avow publicly their pohtical principles; but, in 
the course of time, when they proclaimed hos- 
tility to the political rights of Roman Catholics 
and to those of naturalized American citizens, 
every conservative Whig, and every conservative 
Democrat in the district proclaimed hostility to 
them; and under a banner having inscribed on 
its folds the glorious motto of "Equal political 
rights to all American citizens," we met them, and 
defeated them. Sir, in this motto I recognized 



I the great and cardinal principles of the old Whig 

I I party; and struck down, as they had been, by 
ij these secret political clubs, I had the proud satis- 
il faction of seeing them once again restored and 
|! brought into active life by the patriotic efforts 

' of the sound, conservative friends of civil and 
religious freedom in my district. 
{' For these reasons, sir, I am found on this floor, 
I acting, just as I did at home, in union with con- 
|| servativc Whigs and Democrats, against Native 
;| Americanism and Know Nothingism, and I may 
1 now add, sir. Black Republicanism. 

But, sir, the Know Nothing party are anxiou.s 
■, to bo called the American party. So far as I am 
;| concerned, they may have any name they may 
h choose to fancy. I liavc no desire to rob them 
I of the laiird of a name. [Laughter.] They may 
have, if they please, the sweetest-sounding names 
on earth; but I will tell them, sir, that, in my 
I judgment, they have been rather unfortunate in 

I selecting the name of American. The name of 

II "American" is so common a name, and so gen- 
I eral a term, that it really attaches to all American 
'; citizens, whether native-born or naturalized; ay, 

; sir, and that too, whether they be male or female. 
ji Now, sir, we are all Americans; and my Know 
h Nothing friends, it seems to me, in adopting that 
;' name, have lost that definite and distinctive idea 
i which oughtto characterizt! all parties, and which 
, (judging from the fact that no two of them have 
; the same knoiclcJge of their platform, or agree a.s 
; to its construction) they preeminently possessed, 
ji in the n&me of Know J^'otking. [Loud and pro- 
\] tracted laughter.] And this, sir, seems to me to 
{i be more characteristic, too, of their precise views 
: of the constitutional rights of American citizens, 
J! since, in their exposition of its principles, they 
j, seem to have entirely /o'goHeji that Roman Catk- 
j; o/ics and adopted citizens had " some rights as well 
}■ as others."' [Continued laughter.] 
]l But, sir, I am willing they may have the name 
of American. It will be of no service to them 
' where their principles are known and explained. 
i; I think it will do them, on the contrary, infinite 
;; harm; for their principles are so prescriptive of 
ij the civil and religious rights of so large a portion 
'! of American citizens, that the people will be so 
, <^asily struck with the difiTerence, between their 
;; principles and their name, that tliey will refuse 
I to cooperate with them. They will find that " it 
[] is not the feast to which they were invited;" and 
i this great American party, losiiig the necessary 
; aliment to support it, as well as the clement m 

I which to live, like a big fi.sh out of water, will 
i " flap and flounder for awhile," and then die of 
I; " premature exhaustion." [Great laughter.] 
!: Sir, I was sent hen- iVom the largest Whig dis- 
|| trict in Maryland, with the exception perhaps of 
1' that of my friend and colleague, [Mr. Stewart,] 

I I for the purpo.«eof uniting with Whigs and Demo- 
■Icrats ill maintaining the great principles of the 
i Constitution. I am now here to act with them, 
, 1 just as I did at homo. My Whig friends at home, 
f went into county conventions with Democrats. 
I' and acted harmoniouslytogetherthere,andImean 
t' to do the same thing here; and, sir, I shall be the 
'•[ last man to desert them. Though their mode of 
i' procedure may notcomspond precisely with my 
[ '• own views, still, until they release me from my obli- 
li gations in caucus in reference to the organization 
i| of this House, as on honorbble man 1 will fight 



undei- their banner, if it be even unto death. Eut 
do confess, sir, I cannot approve of this sta,rvin 
arrangement, [laughter;] I do not approve of i 
because I beli^'ve that the Black Republicans \vi 
beat us all — Whigs, Democrats, and Know Notl 
ings combined — two to one, atthat game; and i ^ 
do not see that any good can come from it. 



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Federal Constitu- 
ramount question 
■ernment over the 
^r more vital than 
reference to the 



no:ntai oi lun- [lauimiiz-tniun laws"; for that, 
I understand, is now the only real question 



I must say, in all candor, and in a spirit of just j ! upon which the true American party stands, as a 
deference to the opinions of others, that, i^i my ,j national organization. And lam free to confess, 
opinion, some change must be resorted to in the jj that it ia a question about which the best and 
jiarty tactics of the House before nn organization : wisest men have differed, and may still continue 
can be accomplished. I tell genllcmcn that the |: to differ, as a mere matter of governmental policy, 
people of this country are looking upon our action j 1 without the patriotism of either being doubted, or 
here with fear and trembling. And well theymaj-: ' , in the smallest degree questioned. Sir, these are 
for we are in fact in a state of revolution; and ;[ interesting questions to be sure, biit they strike 
there' is no way to get out of it except by an or- ! i no chord in our hearts which vibrates with sounds 
ganization of this House. I believe "that there ! I of national disunion. They bring no tears to the 
is a majority here in favor of the principles of j] eye of the patriot when brooding over the broken 
non-intervention by Congress on the subject of ['] fragments of a ruined country; they send forth 
domestic slavery in the Territories. That ma- jj no strains of martial music inciting fanatical hosts 
jority ought to be brought together in some mode ;' to civil strife or servile war. No, sir; no. There 
of conciliation; for it must be admitted that no !j are no such bloody spectres as these " starting 



other question is half so vital to the preservation 
of the Union, or to the domestic tranquillity of 
the people. If this is found to be impracticable, 
then I should be wilhng, as a last resort, to adopt 
tlie pluraUty rule; and if the Black Republicans 
should succeed in electing their candidate for 
Speaker under its operation, bad as that would be, 
and as much as I should deplore it, I think even 
that would be better for the country tlian that 
there should be, at this critical juncture of our 



up in the M'ay before us" when contemplating 
simply a change in the naturalization laws of the 
country; but let this Congress attempt to strike 
down the constitutional rights of the South,, then 
you and I and all of us will strike, though bloody 
treason flourish over us. Come, then, ye patri- 
otic Americans, and join yotir hands and your 
hearts with ours, and help us to save the Union 
and the States. By uniting with us, an organi- 
ation of this House can be effected, and peace 



foreign relations, disruption of the GoveriuTient j! and tranquillity once more restored to an already 



by no organization at all. The majority of this 
House — which, 1 believe, is of a conservative 
character — could still control the action of Con- 
gress, and keep it from inflicting, by unconstitu- 
tional legislation, irreparaljle injury to the coun- 
try; and even if that majority should fail in this, 
we have still the Executive and the Senate to 
check the course of any legislation, the tendencies 
of which might be dangerous to the perpetuity 
of the Union. 



too much distracted country. 

And now, mj'^ countrymen of the North and 
the West, must I appeal to you in vain? Have 
you thus obstinately made tip your m.inds to 
"place upon the hszard of the die" so great and 
glorious a Union as nov.^ binds together the stars 
and stripes of a flag which has never trailed in 
the hour of danger .' Can you deliberately mar 
and blight so fair a portion of God's heritage 
as this our beloved country? Do you seriously 



Sir, the country has never been in so distracted I contemplate a dismemberment of this Union? If 



a condition before, and I think the people of the 
country ought to know the real condition of parties 
on this floor. It is but too manifest that the great 
design of the Republican party of the North is 



so, in the name of Heaven, and by the justice of 
an offended God, I pronounce you traitors to 
your God and to your country. Oh ! if you are 
really anxious to preserve this Union, and will 



to cut down the political power of the South, and i { only exhibit and develop those principles of the 



by the aid of southern Know Nothingism they 
hope to distract the southern States on the ques- 
tion of the next presidency; while at the North 
they will present an undivided front in favor of 
what they call the national principle of freedom. 
Sir, in this respect they will have a great advant- 
age over the southern States. We cannot get 
Mr. Banks, their candidate for Speaker, to say 
here on this floor that he belongs to the American 
Order, but he does not hesitate to avow that he 
belongs to the so-called Republican party. The 
so-called Republicans of the North arc united, 
while the southern men, who arc fighting for the 
Constitution of their country and for their own 
firesides and institutions, are to be allowed to 
divide upon the question of Native Americanism 
and Roman Catholicism. Sir, let me appeal to 
that southern, as well as northern, band of pa- 
triots known as Americans — for I must believe 
they are patriots, though I think they are mis- 
guided — to stand with us, and to unite with us 



human heart by your actions and your conduct 
here, which ought to bind neighbor to neighbor, 
and all good men together, you will not disturb 
us in the enjoyment of our rights. We only ask 
you not to lay upon us the hand of oppression^ 
not to drive us to the wall We say to you, in 
a spirit of fraternal kindness, we love you as 
fellow citizens of a common glorious country, 
and will adhere to you in the enjoyment of al! 
your rights. In the name of God, then, wc be- 
seech you not to wage a crusade against an insti- 
tution which was born before the Constitution, 
nurtured b}'' it, and now, in its advanced man- 
hood, demands its protection. If you do, the 
friends of that institution, and, above all, the 
friends of that Constitution everywhere, will come 
up to its rescue; and if, on that day of struggle, 
the Constitution and the Union shall be crushed, 
the friends of civil and religious hberty through- 
out the world will curse you and your memories 
forever. This is all I desired to say. 



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